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A Weblog of Centrist Voices in American Politics |
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August 23, 2006If You Use The Constitution, They Can't ComplainMy views on the current illegality of the NSA warrantless survelliance program are well-established. I think the program needs to be squared with FISA and Congress. However, I've also gone on record as opposing the ruling by Judge Taylor that strikes the whole program down as unconstitutional. My main problems with the ruling are that it goes too far, not providing any legal remedy to square the program with the Constitution, and that the ruling is pure sloppy jurisprudence. Ann Althouse has written a brilliant op-ed in the New York Times (pause for irony), that makes a solid case against the ruling. Her piece has gotten a lot of heat, from commenters at her own blog, and from commenters at The Volokh Conspiracy. Keep in mind, that she's not defending the DOJ's argument (I don't know her actual views on the program's legality-she never says), but rather criticizing the judge for not providing a clear constitutional response: Immensely difficult matters of First and Fourth Amendment law, separation of powers, and the relationship between the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and the Authorization for Use of Military Force are disposed of in short sections that jump from assorted quotations of old cases to conclusory assertions of illegality. Orin S. Kerr, a law professor at George Washington, told The Times that the section on the Fourth Amendment is “just a few pages of general ruminations ... much of it incomplete and some of it simply incorrect.” For those who approve of the outcome , the judge’s opinion is counterproductive. It will be harder to defend upon appeal than a more careful decision. It suggests that there are no good legal arguments against the program, just petulance and outrage and antipathy toward President Bush. It helps those who have been arguing for years about result-oriented, activist judges. Laypeople consuming early news reports may well have thought, “What a courageous judge!” and “It’s a good thing someone finally said that the president is not above the law.” Look at that juicy quotation from Judge Taylor’s ruling: “There are no hereditary kings in America and no powers not created by the Constitution.” But this is sheer sophistry. The potential for the president to abuse his power has nothing to do with kings and heredity. (How much power do hereditary kings have these days, anyway?) And, indeed, the president is not claiming he has powers outside of the Constitution. He isn’t arguing that he’s above the law. He’s making an aggressive argument about the scope of his power under the law. The President isn't asserting that he's above the law, rather he's asserting that he has inherent authority in wartime to do these things. The argument is a serious one. It's totally wrong, and at war with the Constitution, but it deserves to be approached, and it must be correctly attacked. The problem is, the whole affair has the appearance of an unelected judge, who just happens to be a liberal, who just happens to have been appointed by a Democratic President, and confirmed by a Democratic Senate, overriding the decision of a popularly elected Republican President, in a time of war, based on her own opinion. It looks like she just hid the argument under the robe, and laid down the result she wanted. This is a parody of what right-wingers complain about with so-called "activist judges." It looks like she's a rogue judge trying to attack Bush. These apppearances matter, because they undermine the trust that the Judiciary has. It only emboldens the partisans. It's not just about how it looks though. Judicial opinions need to be solid, in order to hold up on appeal, and establish good precedent. As critics of the program know, this is about more than just this program. The underlying argument needs to be struck down. This is about more than Bush. It seems like Taylor forgot that. Her point about "hereditary kings" is ironic, because judges themselves are just as suspectible to monarchical tendencies as the Executive, being that they're unelected. The point to all this is the question of why we should defer to unelected judges in these matters, over the elected Executive. We do, because the Constitution says we do. We do because of judicial review, and airtight legal arguments, based on clear Constitutional support, and not what could be interpreted to be simple Bush-bashing. There is a clear case to be made that this program is illegal, and that Bush exceeded his authority. It needs to made clearly, to withstand scrutiny. That way, Bush supporters can't complain about activist judges, or anti-Bush Democrats, or East-Coast lawyers running the war, or election year stunts, or the usual pro-Bush blather over this. All that won;t matter. If you use the Constitution, they can't complain. Comments
Hat tip Tully? In trying to take a more conciliatory tone because I've so aggravated Pat recently, let me say that I agree with the problem as described. If a judge is going to construct, at least use good materials. :-) And further, when a trend is discerned, that's when you do need to worry about unbalancing the powers of the branches. Where I've defended constructivism, I've tried to make it clear that I believe it's an unavoidable and necessary tool, but one which should be historically rare. And the only way to keep it rare is to raise a stank about it. The more blithely judges resort to it, the higher the stank needed. As usual, I see a conundrum where others see a much clearer line being crossed, to our detriment. (and that comment speaks to the general issue, not this specific instance, I'm not defending Taylor's decision. ) Ideally, we'd all like to think that the executive and legislative branches would address this ongoing issue, and better define the bounds of the powers of the executive and legislative branches. Yet historically, the views of the partisans changes every time the oval office changes hands. So it seems unlikely that the people whose job it is to better define things are not going to do it. But that's not necessarily a bad thing. Detailed definitions of who has what power could prove to be undesirable hinderances. I liken it to the notion of tolerance in engineering. If the fit of moving parts is too loose, the machine functions poorly and inefficiently, and if the fit is too tight, the parts will grind, and the machine will seize up and be unable to do its job. So maybe the longstanding nature of this argument about executive powers suggests that the wiggle room helps the government do what it needs to. That's a reasonable argument for the judicial branch to stay out of it. There's also a good arguments for the judicial branch to get involved. Supposing there is an abuse of power that seems singular, and presuming that the branches that are supposed to fix it seem congenitally disinclined to fix it, that's a plausible rationale for a judge to think he or she has been thrown into the breach. BUT that should always be an EXTRAORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCE, and a judge should be aware of it, and the judge should rise to the occasion with clarity, humanity, and brilliance, to name just a few. If a judge can't look back upon precedents and outline some sort of clear overarching principle, the bulb should go off in the judges head that they don't have a good answer, and so they should demur. When I've read some past landmark decisions, I was often deeply moved by them. They include things like, say, a quote that's a sentence or two long which everyone can understand, and outlines something that sounds right enough and fair enough that many or most of us can accept it. The absence of such a thing suggests that the reasoning was indeed extracted from a rectal cavity to defend a predetermined result. If you're a judge and you are going to step out, do so brilliantly or don't do it at all. The only reason any sort of rare judicial stepping out should ever be accepted is to help provide missing clarity. Confusing, inscrutable, decisions are no good for anyone. I don't like that any more than Pat or Simon, if I may be forgiven for calling them out here. Posted by: bk at August 24, 2006 09:59 AMDear Friend-- For another very well researched and well written piece, please read Unclaimed Territory (http://glenngreenwald.blogspot.com/2006/08/ann-althouse-nyt-legal-expert-on-case.html#links)...it has another perspective that you may appreciate. Glenn has done some extensive blogging on the entire case, and with his legal background, it's quite interesting. In summary, the Judge was correct in her decision because the WH legal counsel CHOOSE not to contest any of areas in which they were indisputed. It's a bit more interesting than that though. -Pain Posted by: Lord of Pain at August 24, 2006 12:10 PMAlthouse's basic point is correct, although I think she made the mistake of writing this piece in a way that really lfet her open to the kind of roasting she got at Volokh - I followed the point she was making because she's been talking about this on her blog and in podcasts and vlogs since the decision came out, but her NYT piece really didn't adequately make the point that I think she was trying to get across in a way that stood up freestanding from following her blog. Regarding LoP's comment, I don't really think Glen Greenwald has anything to offer to this discussion except further sound and fury that anyone would demand something as silly as actual legal reasoning as to why the NSA program is illegal. Because let's face it, it just is legal, and that's all that matters; what matters is that finally someone has stood up to Bush and said so. Fortunately, I doubt "it's illegal because George W. Bush is evil" will be an argument which carries much weight at the Sixth Circuit. Posted by: Simon at August 24, 2006 12:59 PM"Dear Friend"?? Now even blogs are reduced to cranking out comment spam? Posted by: David Fleck at August 26, 2006 10:23 AM |
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